Stepan Bandera

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In this name that follows Eastern Slavic naming conventions, the patronymic is Andriyovych and the family name is Bandera.

Stepan Bandera

Степан Бандера

SBandera.jpg

Personal details

Born

Stepan Andriyovych Bandera

1 January 1909

Staryi Uhryniv, Galicia, Austria-Hungary (now Ukraine)

Died

15 October 1959 (aged 50)

Munich, West Germany

Citizenship

- Austria-Hungary (1909–1918)

- Second Polish Republic (1918–1939)

- Stateless (1939–1959)

Nationality

Ukrainian

Spouse(s)

Yaroslava Bandera [uk]

Relations

Vasyl Bandera [uk] (brother)

Children

3

Parents

- Andriy Bandera (father)

- Myroslava Głodzińska [uk] (mother)

Alma mater

Lviv Polytechnic

Occupation

Politician

Awards

Hero of Ukraine (annulled)

Signature

Military service

Allegiance

OUN (1929–1940)

OUN-B (1940–1959)

Branch/service

UPA (1942–1956)

Battles/wars

World War II

Stepan Andriyovych Bandera (Ukrainian: Степа́н Андрі́йович Банде́ра, IPA: [steˈpɑn ɐnˈdʲrʲijowɪt͡ʃ bɐnˈdɛrɐ]; Polish: Stepan Andrijowycz Bandera; 1 January 1909 – 15 October 1959) was a Ukrainian politician and theorist of the militant wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists[1][2] (OUN), a far-right organization responsible for Massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia.[1][3]

Born in Galicia (at the time Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria, part of Austria-Hungary) into the family of a Greek-Catholic priest, young Bandera became a Ukrainian nationalist. After the Empire disintegrated in the wake of World War I, Galicia briefly became a West Ukrainian People's Republic; following the Polish–Ukrainian War of 1918–1919, it was integrated into eastern Poland. In this period, he became radicalized. Bandera enrolled at the Lviv Polytechnic, where he organized Ukrainian nationalist organizations. For orchestrating the 1934 assassination of Poland's Minister of the Interior Bronisław Pieracki, Bandera was sentenced to death but the sentence was commuted to life imprisonment. In 1939, as a result of the joint German–Soviet invasion of Poland he was freed from prison, and moved to Kraków in the German-occupied zone of Poland.

For a time, Bandera collaborated with Nazi Germany. When Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union, he prepared the 30 June 1941 Proclamation of Ukrainian statehood in Lviv, pledging to work with Nazi Germany.[4][5] For his refusal to rescind the decree, Bandera was arrested by the Gestapo and on 5 July 1941 held under house arrest.[6] After January 1942 Bandera was transferred to Sachsenhausen concentration camp but kept in special, comparatively comfortable detention.[7][8][9] In 1944, with Germany rapidly losing ground in the war in the face of the advancing Allied armies, Bandera was released in the hope that he would be instrumental in deterring the advancing Soviet forces. He set up the headquarters of the re-established Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council, which worked underground. He settled with his family in West Germany where he remained the leader of the OUN-B and worked with several anti-communist organizations such as the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations[10][11] as well as with the British intelligence agencies.[10] Fourteen years after the end of the war, Bandera was assassinated in 1959 by KGB agents in Munich.[12][13]

On 22 January 2010, the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko awarded Bandera the posthumous title of Hero of Ukraine.[14] The European Parliament condemned the award,[15] as did Russia,[16] Polish, and Jewish politicians and organizations.[17][18][19] President Viktor Yanukovych declared the award illegal, since Bandera was never a citizen of Ukraine, a stipulation necessary for getting the award. This announcement was confirmed by a court decision in April 2010.[20] In January 2011, the award was officially annulled.[21] A proposal to confer the award on Bandera was rejected by the Ukrainian parliament in August 2019.[22]

Bandera remains a highly controversial figure in Ukraine,[23][24][25] with some Ukrainians hailing him as a liberator who fought against the Soviet Union, Poland and Nazi Germany trying to establish an independent Ukraine, while other Ukrainians condemn him as a fascist[26] and a war criminal[27] who was, together with his followers, largely responsible for the massacres of Polish civilians[28] and partially for the Holocaust in Ukraine.[29][30][31][32]

Contents

- 1Early life

- 2Pre-World War II activity

- 2.1Early activities

- 2.2OUN

- 2.3Formation of Mobile Groups

- 2.4Formation of the UPA

- 3World War II

- 4Postwar activity

- 5His views

- 5.1Views towards Poles

- 5.2Views towards Jews

- 6Death

- 7Family

- 8Legacy

- 8.1Attitudes in Ukraine towards Bandera

- 8.22014 Russian intervention in Ukraine

- 8.3Hero of Ukraine award

- 8.4Commemoration

- 9See also

- 10References

- 11Further reading

- 12External links

Early life

Bandera was born in Staryi Uhryniv, Galicia, Austria-Hungary. He attended the Fourth Form Grammar School in Stryi.[33] After graduation from high school in 1927, he planned to attend the Ukrainian College of Technology and Economics in Poděbrady in Czechoslovakia, but the Polish authorities did not grant him travel papers.[34]

In 1928, Bandera enrolled in the agronomy program at the Lviv Polytechnic (then Politechnika Lwowska),[35] one of the few programs open to Ukrainians at the time.[33][better source needed] This was due to restrictions placed on minority enrollment, which was aimed primarily at Jews and Ukrainians, in both secondary schools (gymnasia) and university-level institutions by the Polish government.[36][better source needed]

Young Stepan Bandera in the Plast uniform, 1923

Pre-World War II activity

Sign pronouncing Polish as the official language in the Wołyń Voivodeship, 1921. Copy written in Ukrainian.

Early activities

Stepan Bandera had met and associated himself with members of a variety of Ukrainian nationalist organizations throughout his schooling—from Plast, to the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (Ukrainian: Українська Визвольна Організація) and also the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) (Ukrainian: Організація Українських Націоналістів). The most active of these organizations was the OUN, and the leader of the OUN was Andriy Melnyk.[33][better source needed]

Stepan Bandera quickly rose through the ranks of these organizations, becoming the chief propaganda officer of the OUN in 1931, the second in command of OUN in Galicia in 1932–1933, and the head of the National Executive of the OUN in 1933.[35] In the early 1930s, Bandera was very active in finding and developing groups of Ukrainian nationalists in both Western and Eastern Ukraine.[33][better source needed]

OUN

Stepan Bandera became head of the OUN national executive in Galicia in June 1933. He expanded the OUN's network in the Kresy, directing it against both Poland and the Soviet Union. To stop expropriations, Bandera turned OUN against the Polish officials who were directly responsible for anti-Ukrainian policies. Activities included mass campaigns against Polish tobacco and alcohol monopolies and against the denationalization of Ukrainian youth. He was arrested in Lviv in 1934, and tried twice: first, concerning involvement in a plot to assassinate the minister of internal affairs, Bronisław Pieracki, and second at a general trial of OUN executives. He was convicted of terrorism and sentenced to death.[35]

The death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment.[35] He was held in Wronki Prison; in 1938 some of his followers tried unsuccessfully to break him out of the jail.[37] According to various sources, Bandera was freed in September 1939, either by Ukrainian jailers after Polish jail administration left the jail,[38] by Poles[39] or by the Nazis soon after the German invasion of Poland.[40][41][42]

Soon thereafter Eastern Poland was occupied by the Soviet Union. Upon release from prison, Bandera moved to Kraków, the capital of Germany's occupational General Government. There, he came in contact with the leader of the OUN, Andriy Atanasovych Melnyk. In 1940, the political differences between the two leaders caused the OUN to split into two factions; the OUN-M faction led by Melnyk preached a more conservative approach to nation-building, while the OUN-B faction, led by Bandera, supported a revolutionary approach.[43]

Formation of Mobile Groups

Before the independence proclamation of 30 June 1941, Bandera oversaw the formation of so-called "Mobile Groups" (Ukrainian: мобільні групи) which were small (5–15 members) groups of OUN-B members who would travel from General Government to Western Ukraine and, after a German advance to Eastern Ukraine, encourage support for the OUN-B and establish local authorities run by OUN-B activists.[44]

In total, approximately 7,000 people participated in these mobile groups, and they found followers among a wide circle of intellectuals, such as Ivan Bahriany, Vasyl Barka, Hryhorii Vashchenko and many others.[45]

Formation of the UPA

Further information: Ukrainian Insurgent Army

World War II

Geetings archway "Glory to Hitler! Glory to Bandera! Long live the Ukrainian Independent State! Long live our leader S. Bandera" at Zhovkva Castle, Western Ukraine, July–August 1941.

OUN leaders Andriy Melnyk and Bandera were recruited before World War II into the Nazi Germany military intelligence Abwehr for espionage, counter-espionage and sabotage. Their goal was to run diversion activities after Germany's attack on the Soviet Union. Melnyk was given code name 'Consul I'. This information is part of the testimony that Abwehr Colonel Erwin Stolze gave on 25 December 1945 and submitted to the Nuremberg trials, with a request to be admitted as evidence.[46][47][48]

In the spring of 1941, Bandera held meetings with the heads of Germany's intelligence, regarding the formation of "Nachtigall" and "Roland" Battalions. In spring of that year the OUN received 2.5 million marks for subversive activities inside the Soviet Union.[44][49][50] Gestapo and Abwehr officials protected Bandera followers, as both organizations intended to use them for their own purposes.[51]

On 30 June 1941, with the arrival of Nazi troops in Ukraine, Bandera and the OUN-B declared an independent Ukrainian state ("Act of Renewal of Ukrainian Statehood").[52] This declaration was accompanied by violent pogroms.[52] Some of the published proclamations of the formation of this state say that it would "work closely with the National-Socialist Greater Germany, under the leadership of its leader Adolf Hitler which is forming a new order in Europe and the world and is helping the Ukrainian People to free itself from Moscovite occupation." – as stated in the text of the "Act of Proclamation of Ukrainian Statehood".[44][50]

Bandera's expectation that the Nazi regime would post factum recognize an independent fascist Ukraine as an Axis ally proved to be wrong.[52] In 1941 relations between Nazi Germany and the OUN-B had soured to the point where a Nazi document dated 25 November 1941 stated that "... the Bandera Movement is preparing a revolt in the Reichskommissariat which has as its ultimate aim the establishment of an independent Ukraine. All functionaries of the Bandera Movement must be arrested at once and, after thorough interrogation, are to be liquidated...".[53] On 5 July, Bandera was placed under arrest and taken to Berlin the next day. On 12 July, the prime minister of the newly formed Ukrainian National Government, Yaroslav Stetsko, was also arrested and taken to Berlin. Although released from custody on 14 July, both were required to stay in Berlin. On 15 September 1941 Bandera and leading OUN members were arrested by the Gestapo.

In January 1942, Bandera was transferred to Sachsenhausen concentration camp's special barrack for high-profile political prisoners Zellenbau.[54] In April 1944, Bandera and his deputy Yaroslav Stetsko were approached by a Reich Security Main Office official to discuss plans for diversions and sabotage against the Soviet Army.[55] In September 1944,[56] Bandera was released by the German authorities and allowed to return to Ukraine in the hope that his partisans would harass the Soviet troops, which by that time had handed the Germans major defeats. However, in renewed pursuit of his dream of an independent Ukraine, he had his partisans fight against both Soviets and Germans.[57]

Postwar activity

According to Stephen Dorril, author of MI6: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, OUN-B was re-formed in 1946 under the sponsorship of MI6. The organization had been receiving some support from MI6 since the 1930s.[58] One faction of Bandera's organization, associated with Mykola Lebed, became more closely associated with the CIA.[59] Bandera himself was the target of an extensive and aggressive search carried out by the Counterintelligence Corps (CIC).[60] It failed, having described their quarry as "extremely dangerous" and "constantly en route, frequently in disguise".[61] Some American intelligence reported that he even was guarded by former SS men.[62] His organization perpetrated many crimes, including hundreds of thousands of murders,[52] counterfeiting, and kidnapping. After the Bavarian state government initiated a crackdown on it, Bandera reached an agreement with the BND, offering them his service, despite CIA warning the West Germans against cooperating with him.[63]

His views

According to Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe "Bandera's worldview was shaped by numerous far-right values and concepts including ultranationalism, fascism, racism, and antisemitism; by fascination with violence; by the belief that only war could establish a Ukrainian state; and by hostility to democracy, communism, and socialism. Like other young Ukrainian nationalists he combined extremism with religion and used religion to sacralize politics and violence."[64]

Views towards Poles

Monument to Poles killed by UPA, Liszna, Poland

In a May 1941 meeting in Kraków, the leadership of Bandera's OUN faction adopted the program "Struggle and action for OUN during the war" (Ukrainian: "Боротьба й діяльність ОУН під час війни") which outlined the plans for activities at the onset of the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union and the western territories of the Ukrainian SSR.[65] Section G of that document, the "Directives for organizing the life of the state during the first days" (Ukrainian: "Вказівки на перші дні організації державного життя"), outline activity of the Bandera followers during summer 1941.[66]

In late 1942, when Bandera was in a German concentration camp, his organization, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, was involved in a massacre of Poles in Volhynia and, in early 1944, ethnic cleansing also spread to Eastern Galicia. It is estimated that more than 35,000 and up to 60,000[67] Poles, mostly women and children along with unarmed men, were killed during the spring and summer campaign of 1943 in Volhynia, and up to 100,000 if other regions, such as Eastern Galicia, are included.[68][69]

Despite the central role played by Bandera's followers in the massacre of Poles in western Ukraine, Bandera himself was interned in a German concentration camp when the concrete decision to massacre the Poles was made and when the Poles were killed.[clarification needed] According to Yaroslav Hrytsak, Bandera was not completely aware of events in Ukraine during his internment from the summer of 1941 and had serious differences of opinion with Mykola Lebed, the OUN-B leader who remained in Ukraine and who was one of the chief architects of the massacres of Poles.[70][71][unreliable source?]

Views towards Jews

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Bandera was an antisemite, fascist and Nazi collaborator.[72][73] Ukrainian nationalism did not historically include antisemitism as a core aspect of its program and saw Russians as well as Poles as the chief enemy with Jews playing a secondary role.[74] Nevertheless, Ukrainian nationalism was not immune to the influence of the antisemitic climate in Eastern and Central Europe,[74] that had already become highly racialized in the late 19th century. According to Per Anders Rudling, Bandera and his followers, "advocated the selective breeding to create a "pure" Ukrainian race".[75]

Actually, one of the political differences between Bandera and Andriy Melnyk was their attitude about the fact that Richard Jary, Mykola Stsibors’kyi and other members of the OUN were married to Jewish women. For Bandera that was an utter scandal: in a letter he wrote to Melnyk on 10th August 1940, he said he would accept his leadership, provided that he expelled OUN members who were married to Jewish women[76].

Hostility to both the Soviet central government and the Jewish minority was highlighted at the OUN-B's Conference in Kraków in May 1941, at which the leadership of Bandera's OUN faction adopted the program "Struggle and action of OUN during the war" which outlined the plans for activities at the onset of the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union and the western territories of the Ukrainian SSR.[65] The program declared:

The Jews in the USSR constitute the most faithful support of the ruling Bolshevik regime, and the vanguard of Muscovite imperialism in Ukraine. The Muscovite-Bolshevik government exploits the anti-Jewish sentiments of the Ukrainian masses to divert their attention from the true cause of their misfortune and to channel them in a time of frustration into pogroms on Jews. The OUN combats the Jews as the prop of the Muscovite-Bolshevik regime and simultaneously it renders the masses conscious of the fact that the principal foe is Moscow.[77]

Section G of the program – "Directives for organizing the life of the state during the first days" outlined activity of the Bandera followers during mid-1941.[66] In a subsection on "Minority Policy", the leaders of OUN-B ordered:

Moskali [i.e. ethnic Russians], Poles, and Jews that are hostile to us are to be destroyed in struggle, particularly those opposing the regime, by means of: deporting them to their own lands, eradicating their intelligentsia, which is not to be admitted to any governmental positions, and overall preventing any creation of this intelligentsia (e.g. access to education etc)... Jews are to be isolated, removed from governmental positions in order to prevent sabotage... Those who are deemed necessary may only work under strict supervision and removed from their positions for slightest misconduct... Jewish assimilation is not possible.[78][79][80]

Later in June, Yaroslav Stetsko sent to Bandera a report in which he stated "We are creating a militia which will help to remove the Jews and protect the population."[81][82] Leaflets spread in the name of Bandera in the same year called for the "destruction" of "Moscow", Poles, Hungarians and Jewry.[83][84][85] In 1941–1942 while Bandera was cooperating with the Germans, OUN members did take part in anti-Jewish actions. German police in 1941 reported that "fanatic" Bandera followers, organised in small groups were "extraordinarily active" against Jews and communists.[86]

However, when Bandera was in conflict with the Germans, the UPA under his authority sheltered Jews,[87] and included some Jewish fighters and medical personnel.[88][89] In the official organ of the OUN-B's leadership, instructions to OUN groups urged those groups to "liquidate the manifestations of harmful foreign influence, particularly the German racist concepts and practices."[90] Several Jews took part in Bandera's underground movement,[91] including one of Bandera's close associates Richard Yary who was also married to a Jewish woman. Another notable Jewish UPA member was Leyba-Itzik "Valeriy" Dombrovsky. (While two Karaites from Galicia, Anna-Amelia Leonowicz (1925–1949) and her mother, Helena (Ruhama) Leonowicz (1890–1967), are reported to have become members of OUN, oral accounts suggest that both women collaborated not of their own free will, but following threats from nationalists.[92]) By 1942, Nazi officials had concluded that Ukrainian nationalists were largely indifferent to Jews and were willing to both help them or kill them if either better served the nationalist cause. A report, dated 30 March 1942, sent to the Gestapo in Berlin, claimed that "the Bandera movement provided forged passports not only for its own members but also for Jews."[93] The false papers were most likely supplied to Jewish doctors or skilled workers who could be useful for the movement.[94]

Death

Bandera's grave in Munich, April 2014

On 15 October 1959, Bandera collapsed outside of Kreittmayrstrasse 7 in Munich and died shortly thereafter. A medical examination established that the cause of his death was poison by cyanide gas.[95][96] On 20 October 1959, Bandera was buried in the Waldfriedhof Cemetery in Munich. On 17 August 2014, unknown vandals toppled the cross on top of his grave.[97]

Two years after his death, on 17 November 1961, the German judicial bodies announced that Bandera's murderer had been a KGB defector named Bohdan Stashynsky who used a cyanide dust spraying gun to murder Bandera and acted on the orders of Soviet KGB head Alexander Shelepin and Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev.[7][98] After a detailed investigation against Stashynsky, a trial took place from 8 to 15 October 1962. Stashynsky was convicted, and on 19 October he was sentenced to eight years in prison.

Family

Bandera's brothers, Oleksandr and Vasyl, were arrested by the Germans and sent to Auschwitz concentration camp where they were allegedly killed by Polish inmates in 1942.[99]

His father Andriy was arrested by the Soviets in late May 1941 for harboring an OUN member and transferred to Kyiv. On 8 July he was sentenced to death and executed on the 10th. His sisters Oksana and Marta–Maria were arrested by the NKVD in 1941 and sent to a gulag in Siberia. Both were released in 1960 without the right to return to Ukraine. Marta–Maria died in Siberia in 1982, and Oksana returned to Ukraine in 1989 where she died in 2004. Another sister, Volodymyra, was sentenced to a term in Soviet labor camps from 1946 to 1956. She returned to Ukraine in 1956.[100]

Legacy

Ukrainian postal stamp commemorating the centennial of Bandera's birth

Ukrainian nationalists march through Kyiv, holding a banner with Bandera's portrait, as well as the flags of the Right Sector and Svoboda.

In an interview with Russian newspaper Komsomolskaya Pravda in 2005, former KGB Chief Vladimir Kryuchkov claimed that "the murder of Stepan Bandera was one of the last cases when the KGB disposed of undesired people by means of violence."[101]

In late 2006, the Lviv city administration announced the future transference of the tombs of Stepan Bandera, Andriy Melnyk, Yevhen Konovalets and other key leaders of OUN/UPA to a new area of Lychakiv Cemetery specifically dedicated to victims of the repressions of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle.[102]

In October 2007, the city of Lviv erected a statue dedicated to Bandera.[103] The appearance of the statue has engendered a far-reaching debate about the role of Stepan Bandera and UPA in Ukrainian history. The two previously erected statues were blown up by unknown perpetrators; the current is guarded by a militia detachment 24/7. On 18 October 2007, the Lviv City Council adopted a resolution establishing the Award of Stepan Bandera.[104][105]

On 1 January 2009, his 100th birthday was celebrated in several Ukrainian centres[106][107][108][109][110] and a postage stamp with his portrait was issued the same day.[111] On 1 January 2014, Bandera's 105th birthday was celebrated by a torchlight procession of 15,000 people in the centre of Kyiv and thousands more rallied near his statue in Lviv.[112][113][114] The march was supported by the far-right Svoboda party and some members of the center-right Batkivshchyna.[115]

In 2018, the Ukrainian Parliament designated the 1 January, the Bandera's birthday, as a national holiday.[116] The decision was criticized by the Jewish organization Simon Wiesenthal Center.[117]

Attitudes in Ukraine towards Bandera

Lviv soccer fans at a game against Donetsk. The Ukrainian banner reads "Bandera – our hero"

Bandera continues to be a divisive figure in Ukraine. Although Bandera is venerated in certain parts of western Ukraine, and 33% of Lviv's residents consider themselves to be followers of Bandera,[118] he, along with Joseph Stalin and Mikhail Gorbachev, is considered in surveys of Ukraine as a whole among the three historical figures who produce the most negative attitudes.[119]

A national survey conducted in Ukraine in 2009 inquired about attitudes by region towards Bandera's faction of the OUN. It produced the following results: In Galicia (provinces of Lviv, Ternopil, and Ivano-Frankivsk) 37% had a "very positive" opinion of Bandera, 26% a "mostly positive" opinion, 20% were "neutral", 5% "mostly negative", 6% "very negative", and 6% "unsure". In Volhynia, 5% had a very positive opinion, 20% a mostly positive opinion, 57% were neutral, 7% were mostly negative, 5% very negative and 6% were unsure. In Transcarpathia 4% of the respondents had a very positive opinion, 32% a mostly positive opinion, 50% were neutral, none had a mostly negative opinion, 7% had a very negative opinion and 7% were unsure. In contrast, in central Ukraine (comprising the capital Kyiv, as well as the provinces of Zhytomyr, Cherkasy, Chernihiv, Poltava, Sumy, Vinnytsia, and Kirovohrad) attitudes towards Bandera's faction of the OUN were 3% very positive, 10% mostly positive, 24% neutral, 17% mostly negative, 21% very negative and 25% unsure. In Eastern Ukraine (the provinces of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk and Zaporizhzhia) 1% each had very positive or mostly positive attitudes towards Bandera's OUN, 19% were neutral, 13% mostly negative, 26% very negative and 20% unsure. In Ukraine's south (the Odessa, Mykolaiv and Kherson regions plus Crimea) 1% each were very or mostly positive, 13% were neutral, 31% mostly negative, 48% very negative and 25% were unsure. In Ukraine as a whole, 6% of Ukrainians had a very positive opinion, 8% a mostly positive opinion, 23% were neutral, 15% had a mostly negative opinion, 30% had a very negative opinion, and 18% were unsure.[120]

A poll conducted in early May 2021 by the Democratic Initiatives Foundation together with the Razumkov Centre's sociological service showed that 32% of citizens consider Stepan Bandera's activity as a historical figure to be positive for Ukraine, as many consider his activity negative; another 21% consider Bandera's activities as positive as they are negative. According to the poll, a positive attitude prevails in the western region of Ukraine (70%); in the central region of the state, 27% of respondents consider his activity positive, 27% consider his activity negative and 27% consider his activity both positive and negative;[121] negative attitude prevails in the southern and eastern regions of Ukraine (54% and 48% of respondents consider his activity negative for Ukraine, respectively).[121]

2014 Russian intervention in Ukraine

Headquarters of the Euromaidan, Kyiv, January 2014. At the front entrance there is a portrait of Bandera.

During the 2014 Crimean crisis and unrest in Ukraine, pro-Russian Ukrainians, Russians (in Russia), and some Western authors[122] alluded to the bad influence of Bandera on Euromaidan protesters and pro-Ukrainian Unity supporters in justifying their actions.[123] Russian media used this to justify Russia's actions.[27] Putin welcomed the annexation of Crimea by declaring that he "was saving them from the new Ukrainian leaders who are the ideological heirs of Bandera, Hitler's accomplice during World War II."[27] Pro-Russian activists claimed: "Those people in Kyiv are Bandera-following Nazi collaborators."[27] Ukrainians living in Russia complained of being labelled a "Banderite", even when they were from parts of Ukraine where Bandera has no popular support.[27] Groups who idolize Bandera took part in the Euromaidan protests but were a minority element.[27][124]

Hero of Ukraine award

On 22 January 2010, on the Day of Unity of Ukraine, the then-President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko awarded to Bandera the title of Hero of Ukraine (posthumously) for "defending national ideas and battling for an independent Ukrainian state."[125] A grandson of Bandera, also named Stepan, accepted the award that day from the Ukrainian President during the state ceremony to commemorate the Day of Unity of Ukraine at the National Opera House of Ukraine.[125][126][127][128]

Reactions to Bandera's award vary. This award has been condemned by the Simon Wiesenthal Center[129] and the Student Union of French Jews.[130] On 25 February 2010, the European Parliament criticized the decision by then president of Ukraine, Yushchenko to award Bandera the title of Hero of Ukraine and expressed hope it would be reconsidered.[131] On 14 May 2010, in a statement, the Russian Foreign Ministry said about the award: "that the event is so odious that it could no doubt cause a negative reaction in the first place in Ukraine. Already it is known a position on this issue of a number of Ukrainian politicians, who believe that solutions of this kind do not contribute to the consolidation of Ukrainian public opinion".[132] On the other hand, the decree was applauded by Ukrainian nationalists in western Ukraine and by a small portion of Ukrainian Americans.[133][134]

On 5 March 2010, President Viktor Yanukovych stated that he would make a decision to repeal the decrees to honor the title as Heroes of Ukraine to Bandera and fellow nationalist Roman Shukhevych before the next Victory Day,[135] although the Hero of Ukraine decrees do not stipulate the possibility that a decree on awarding this title can be annulled.[136] On 2 April 2010, an administrative Donetsk region court ruled the presidential decree awarding the title to be illegal. According to the court's decision, Bandera was not a citizen of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (vis-à-vis Ukraine).[137][138][139][140] On 5 April 2010, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine refused to start constitutional proceedings on the constitutionality of the President Yushchenko decree the award was based on. A ruling by the court was submitted by the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea on 20 January 2010.[141] In January 2011, the presidential press service informed that the award was officially annulled.[21][142] This was done after a cassation appeals filed against the ruling by Donetsk District Administrative Court was rejected by the Higher Administrative Court of Ukraine on 12 January 2011.[143][144] Former President Yushchenko called the annulment "a gross error."[145]

In December 2018, the Ukrainian parliament moved to again confer the award on Bandera but the proposal was rejected in August 2019.[22]

Commemoration

There are Stepan Bandera museums in Dubliany, Volia-Zaderevatska, Staryi Uhryniv, and Yahilnytsia. There is a Stepan Bandera Museum of Liberation Struggle in London, part of the OUN Archive,[146] and The Bandera's Family Museum (Музей родини Бандерів) in Stryi.[147][148] There are also Stepan Bandera streets in Lviv (formerly Mury street), Lutsk (formerly Suvorovska street), Rivne (formerly Moskovska street), Kolomyia, Ivano-Frankivsk, Chervonohrad (formerly Nad Buhom street),[149] Berezhany (formerly Cherniakhovskoho street), Drohobych (formerly Sliusarska street), Stryi, Kalush, Kovel, Volodymyr-Volynskyi, Horodenka, Dubrovytsia, Kolomyia, Dolyna, Iziaslav, Skole, Shepetivka, Brovary, and Boryspil, and a Stepan Bandera prospect in Ternopil (part of the former Lenin prospect).[150] On 16 January 2017, the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance stated that of the 51,493 streets, squares and "other facilities" that had been renamed (since 2015) due to decommunization 34 streets were named after Stepan Bandera.[151] Due to "association with the communist totalitarian regime", the Kyiv City Council on 7 July 2016 voted 87 to 10 in favor of supporting renaming Moscow Avenue to Stepan Bandera Avenue.[152][153]

Stepan Bandera monument in Ternopil

Monuments dedicated to Stepan Bandera have been constructured in a number of western Ukrainian cities, including a statue in Lviv, as well as Staryi Uhryniv, Kolomyia, Drohobych,[154] Zalishchyky,[155] Mykytyntsi,[156] Uzyn,[157] Buchach,[158] Hrabivka,[159] Horodenka,[160] Staryi Sambir,[161] Ternopil, Ivano-Frankivsk,[162] Strusiv,[163] Truskavets,[164] Horishniy, Velykosilky, Sambir, Velyki Mosty, Skole,[165] Turka,[166] Zdolbuniv,[167] Chortkiv,[168][169] Sniatyn,[170] and in such cities and villages as Berezhany, Boryslav, Chervonohrad, Dubliany, Kamianka-Buzka, Kremenets, Mostyska, Pidvolochysk, Seredniy Bereziv, Terebovlia, Verbiv, and Volia-Zaderevatska.[citation needed] In 2010 and 2011, Bandera was named an honorary citizen of a number of western Ukrainian cities, including Khust,[171] Nadvirna,[172] Ternopil,[173] Ivano-Frankivsk,[174] Lviv,[175] Kolomyia,[176] Dolyna,[177] Varash,[178] Lutsk,[179] Chervonohrad,[180] Terebovlia,[181] Truskavets,[182] Radekhiv,[183] Sokal,[184] Stebnyk,[185] Zhovkva,[186] Skole,[187] Berezhany,[188] Sambir,[189] Boryslav,[190] Brody,[191] Stryi,[192] and Morshyn.[193]

In late 2018, the Lviv Oblast Council decided to declare the year of 2019 to be the year of Stepan Bandera, sparking protests by Israel.[194] Two feature films have been made about Bandera, among them are Assassination: An October Murder in Munich (1995) and The Undefeated (2000), both directed by Oles Yanchuk, along with a number of documentary films. In 2021, the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory under the authority of the Ukrainian Ministry of Culture, included Bandera, among other Ukrainian nationalist figures, into Virtual Necropolis, a project intended to commemorate historical figures important for Ukraine.[195]

Stepan Bandera

Stepan Bandera (ca. 1934)

Unterschrift von Stepan Bandera

Stepan Andrijowytsch Bandera (ukrainisch Степан Андрійович Бандера, wiss. Transliteration Stepan Andrijovyč Bandera; * 1. Januar 1909 in Staryj Uhryniw, Galizien, Österreich-Ungarn; † 15. Oktober 1959 in München) war ein nationalistischer ukrainischer Politiker (OUN) und Partisanenführer (UPA).

1934 wurde Bandera wegen der ihm vorgeworfenen Ermordung des polnischen Innenministers Bronisław Pieracki verurteilt, kam jedoch nach dem Beginn des Zweiten Weltkrieges frei. Er arbeitete mit der deutschen Wehrmacht zusammen und die Milizen unter ihm übernahmen nach dem Einmarsch der Wehrmacht in Lemberg teilweise die Polizeigewalt. Sie bereiteten unter anderem Verhaftungen und Massenerschießungen vor. Nachdem andere Mitglieder der OUN einen unabhängigen Staat ausgerufen hatten, wurde Bandera 1942 von der Gestapo im KZ Sachsenhausen in Haft gehalten, bei einer Behandlung als Ehrenhäftling mit besseren Haftbedingungen. Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg floh Bandera zurück nach Deutschland und wurde in der Sowjetunion in Abwesenheit zum Tode verurteilt. Er wurde 1959 in München von einem KGB-Agenten ermordet.

Die Einordnung von Banderas Wirken und seiner Person ist in der Ukraine sehr umstritten. Im Osten des Landes, aber auch in Polen, Russland und Israel gilt er überwiegend als NS-Kollaborateur und Kriegsverbrecher. Im Westen der Ukraine wird er hingegen von vielen Ukrainern als Nationalheld verehrt.[1] Von einigen Faschismusforschern wie Per Anders Rudling und Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe wird er als Faschist bezeichnet.[2][3]

Stepan Bandera als Jugendlicher (1923)

Ukrainische Briefmarke zum 100. Geburtstag (2009)

Inhaltsverzeichnis

- 1Jugend

- 2Ukrainischer Nationalismus

- 3Zweiter Weltkrieg

- 4Exil und Ermordung durch den KGB

- 5Nachwirkung und Personenkult

- 6Film, Fotografie, Theater

- 7Literatur

- 8Weblinks

- 9Einzelnachweise

Jugend[Bearbeiten | Quelltext bearbeiten]

Stepan Bandera wurde 1909 in Staryj Uhryniw geboren, das damals unter dem Namen Uhrynów stary zum österreichischen Bezirk Kałusz in Galizien gehörte. Nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg und dem Zusammenbruch Österreich-Ungarns fiel das Gebiet an Polen. Beide Eltern stammten aus christlichen Familien, sein Vater Andrij war Priester der ukrainischen Griechisch-Katholischen Kirche. Seine Geschwister waren: Marta-Marija (1907–1982), Oleksandr (1911–1942), Wolodymyra Bandera-Dawydjuk (1913–2001), Wassyl (1915–1942), Oksana (1917–2008) und Bohdan (1919–1944). Der junge Bandera besuchte die Schule in Stryj, 1922 starb seine Mutter an Tuberkulose.

Ukrainischer Nationalismus[Bearbeiten | Quelltext bearbeiten]

Nach seinem Schulabschluss studierte Bandera ab 1928 am Polytechnikum Lemberg (Lwiw), an dem zur damaligen Zeit Ukrainern nur wenige Veranstaltungen offenstanden.[4] Er schloss sich der Organisation Ukrainischer Nationalisten (OUN) an, die von Andrij Melnyk geleitet wurde. In der Hierarchie der OUN stieg Bandera schnell auf und gehörte bereits Anfang der 1930er-Jahre zu deren Führungskader.

Im Jahre 1934 wurde Bandera in Polen zum Tode verurteilt, weil man ihm eine Beteiligung an der Ermordung des polnischen Innenministers Bronisław Pieracki vorwarf. Diese Strafe wurde jedoch in lebenslange Haft umgewandelt. Im September 1939, nach dem Beginn des Zweiten Weltkrieges und der Besetzung Ostpolens durch die Sowjetunion, kam er wieder frei. Die Gründe für seine Freilassung sind unklar.

Zweiter Weltkrieg[Bearbeiten | Quelltext bearbeiten]

„Heil Hitler! Heil Bandera! Lang lebe der Ukrainische Unabhängige Staat! Lang lebe unser Führer S. Bandera“. Schloss Schowkwa, Juli–August 1941.

Nach seiner Freilassung begab sich Bandera in das von Deutschland besetzte Krakau, wo er unter dem Decknamen Konsul II mit dem Nachrichtendienst der Wehrmacht zusammenarbeitete, der sich davon ein Zusammenwirken mit der OUN erhoffte. Im „Generalgouvernement“ wurden so vor Beginn des Krieges gegen die Sowjetunion unter deutscher Aufsicht Kampfverbände wie das Bataillon Nachtigall aus den Reihen der OUN gebildet.

Aufgrund von Differenzen zwischen Bandera und Andrij Melnyk kam es 1940 zur Spaltung der OUN. Während Melnyk fortan die konservative OUN-Min unterstand, leitete Bandera die revolutionäre und radikal antisemitische OUN-B (das ‚B‘ steht für banderiwzi, also „Banderisten“ oder „Bandera-Leute“).

Nach dem Einmarsch der deutschen Wehrmacht in Lwiw (Lemberg) proklamierte Banderas Stellvertreter Jaroslaw Stezko am 30. Juni 1941 eine unabhängige Landesregierung für die Westukraine. Durch OUN-B aufgestellte Milizen übernahmen teilweise die Polizeigewalt und waren maßgeblich an Pogromen gegen die jüdische Zivilbevölkerung beteiligt, die durch einen wenige Tage zuvor begangenen Massenmord von Einheiten des sowjetischen NKWD an etwa 4000 ukrainischen Häftlingen angeheizt wurden. Die Miliz bereitete durch Verhaftungen die Massenerschießung von 3000 Juden durch die Einsatzgruppe C der deutschen Sicherheitspolizei am 5. Juli 1941 vor.[5] Bandera selbst hat sich an dem Tag laut Erkenntnissen ukrainischer Historiker allerdings nicht in Lemberg, sondern in Krakau aufgehalten; ob er in dem Pogrom involviert war, ist bis zur Gegenwart umstritten.[6]

Da ein unabhängiger ukrainischer Staat nicht den Vorstellungen der Nationalsozialisten entsprach, wurde Bandera bereits im Juli 1941 verhaftet und im sogenannten Zellenbau des Konzentrationslagers Sachsenhausen untergebracht, in dem unter anderem auch der ehemalige österreichische Kanzler Kurt Schuschnigg festgehalten wurde. Während zwei von Banderas Brüdern, Oleksandr und Wassyl, im KZ Auschwitz unter ungeklärten Umständen ums Leben kamen,[7] angeblich von polnischen Mithäftlingen erschlagen,[8] genoss Bandera selbst in Sachsenhausen einen Sonderstatus als so genannter Ehrenhäftling. So bewohnte er eine größere möblierte Zelle mit getrenntem Schlaf- und Wohnbereich, Bildern an den Wänden und Teppich auf dem Boden.[2]

Nach Darstellung von Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe war Bandera ein „überzeugter Faschist“.[3] Er weist Bandera für die während seiner Abwesenheit 1943/44 verübten Massaker in Wolhynien und Ostgalizien eine zumindest „moralische Verantwortung“ zu. „Vor dem Krieg machte er (Bandera) kein Geheimnis daraus, dass ‚nicht nur Hunderte, sondern Tausende Menschenleben geopfert werden müssen‘, damit die OUN ihre Ziele realisieren und ein ukrainischer Staat entstehen könne. Die Massengewalt beziehungsweise die ‚Säuberung‘ der Ukraine von Juden, Polen, Russen und anderen ‚Feinden‘ der Organisation war ein zentraler Bestandteil seiner Ziele.“[3]

Am 25. September 1944 wurde Bandera aus der Haft entlassen.[2] Er sollte ein ukrainisches Nationalkomitee gründen und an der Seite der Nationalsozialisten Aktionen des ukrainischen Widerstandes gegen die Rote Armee lenken, doch kam es wegen des raschen sowjetischen Vormarsches nicht mehr dazu.[2] Im Dezember 1944 lehnte Bandera die von den Nationalsozialisten angebotene Zusammenarbeit ab.[9] Die UPA löste sich nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges in rivalisierende Gruppen auf, die bis zum Ende der 1950er-Jahre aktiv waren.[10]

Exil und Ermordung durch den KGB[Bearbeiten | Quelltext bearbeiten]

Grab auf dem Waldfriedhof in München im April 2022

Im Herbst 1946 flüchtete Bandera über Österreich nach München,[10] wo er sich unter dem falschen Namen Stefan Popel[11] jahrelang vor dem sowjetischen Geheimdienst versteckte, da er in der Sowjetunion wegen seiner antisowjetischen Aktionen in Abwesenheit zum Tode verurteilt worden war. 1947 wurde Bandera im Exil Vorsitzender der OUN und blieb dies bis zu seinem Tod.[12]

Der KGB-Agent Bogdan Staschinski ermordete ihn am 15. Oktober 1959 im Eingang seines Wohnhauses in der Kreittmayrstraße 7[10] mit einer pistolenähnlichen Waffe, die Blausäuregas versprühte. Als Bandera aufgefunden wurde, lebte er noch, starb aber wenig später; seine Leiche wurde von dem Münchner Rechtsmediziner Wolfgang Spann obduziert. Am 20. Oktober wurde er auf dem Münchener Waldfriedhof[13] bestattet.

Als Auftraggeber des Mordes an Bandera wurde der KGB festgestellt.[14] Der Täter Bogdan Staschinski, der sich selbst stellte,[15] wurde am 19. Oktober 1962 zu einer Freiheitsstrafe von acht Jahren verurteilt.[16] Bandera war nicht der einzige ukrainische Nationalist im Exil, dem es so erging: Jewhen Konowalez wurde 1938 in Rotterdam mit einer Sprengfalle und Lew Rebet 1957, ebenfalls in München, von Bogdan Staschinski getötet.

Bandera hinterließ seine Frau Jaroslawa, mit der er seit Juni 1940 verheiratet war und drei Kinder hatte: Natalia (1941–1985), Andrei (1944–1984) und Lesya (1947–2011). Nach der Ermordung Banderas wanderte die Familie nach Toronto (Kanada) aus.[17]

Nachwirkung und Personenkult[Bearbeiten | Quelltext bearbeiten]

Porträt Banderas am Rathaus Kiew während des Euromaidan am 14. Januar 2014

Stepan-Bandera-Statue in Ternopil, 1. Januar 2017

Vor allem im Westen der Ukraine wird Bandera heute von breiteren Bevölkerungsschichten als Nationalheld verehrt,[18] dort gibt es auch Hunderte nach ihm benannte Straßen, viele lebensgroße Statuen und Büsten, einige monumentale Denkmäler sowie mehrere Museen zu seinen Ehren.[19] Die insbesondere in der Westukraine politisch erfolgreiche nationalistische Allukrainische Vereinigung „Swoboda“ sowie die rechtsextreme Organisation Prawyj Sektor berufen sich ebenfalls auf Bandera. Die Anhänger des Fußballvereins Karpaty Lwiw zeigen bei Heimspielen ihres Vereins regelmäßig große Transparente mit seinem Konterfei.[20] In der Ostukraine, aber auch in Polen, Russland und Israel gilt Bandera hingegen überwiegend als Verbrecher und NS-Kollaborateur. Der schwedisch-US-amerikanische Historiker Per Anders Rudling bezeichnet Bandera als Faschisten.[2]

Am 22. Januar 2010 verlieh der damalige ukrainische Präsident Wiktor Juschtschenko Bandera postum den Ehrentitel Held der Ukraine.[21] Die damalige Ministerpräsidentin Julia Timoschenko von der Vaterlandspartei sprach Juschtschenko in dieser Angelegenheit ihre Unterstützung aus.[22] Die polnische und russische Regierung sowie einige andere Institutionen protestierten gegen diese Ehrung.[23] Das Europäische Parlament äußerte die Hoffnung, dass der neue Präsident der Ukraine diesen Präsidialerlass revidiere. Das Simon-Wiesenthal-Zentrum verurteilte die Ehrung und wies darauf hin, dass Bandera Mitschuld am Tod von Tausenden Juden trage.[24]

Anhänger von Karpaty Lwiw halten ein Transparent mit der Aufschrift „Bandera – unser Held“

Im März 2010 kündigte der neue Präsident der Ukraine, Wiktor Janukowytsch, an, dass Juschtschenkos Erlass außer Kraft gesetzt werde.[25] Im Januar 2011 wurden gerichtliche Entscheidungen, den Titel wieder abzuerkennen, schließlich rechtskräftig.[26] Die Pressestelle des Blok Juliji Tymoschenko kritisierte die Gerichtsentscheidung als politisch. Die Aberkennung sei zudem ein Bruch von Wahlversprechen Janukowytschs.[27]

Banderas Grab in München wurde in der Nacht auf den 17. August 2014 – während des Kriegs in der Ukraine – von Unbekannten verwüstet.[28]

Durch einen Beschluss des Stadtparlaments vom Juli 2016 wurde der Kiewer Moskauer Prospekt in „Stepan-Bandera-Prospekt“ (Проспект Степана Бандери) umbenannt.[29]

Eine aktuelle Darstellung zum Thema liegt von Lutz Klevemann vor, der zur Rolle Banderas eine bislang nicht erfolgte, notwendige Auseinandersetzung mit der eigenen Kollaborations-, Faschismus- und Antisemitismus-Geschichte in der Ukraine anmahnt. Die von Bandera ausgerufene unabhängige Ukraine war mitnichten im Sinne Hitlers, doch benutzte er die ukrainischen Nationalisten und ließ aus Banderas Milizen eine ukrainische Hilfspolizei gründen. Kollaboration spielt auch im Zusammenhang mit sowjetischen Kriegsgefangenen eine große Rolle. Wie in Deutschland wurde auch in Lemberg ihr Schicksal lange verschwiegen. In der Zitadelle über der Stadt, in der sich jetzt ein Luxushotel befindet, starben über 140.000 sowjetische Kriegsgefangene, weil die deutschen Besatzer sie verhungern ließen.[30]

Von russischer Seite wird seit dem Beginn des Krieges in der Ukraine der Bandera-Kult staatlicher ukrainischer Stellen dazu genutzt, die durch die Revolution 2014 an die Macht gekommenen demokratischen Parteien und Politiker pauschal als „Faschisten“ zu verunglimpfen.[31] Seit dem Ausbruch des Ukrainekonflikts haben Unbekannte sein Grab in München dreimal (Februar, Mai 2015 und Juli 2016) geschändet.[29] Unter dem 2019 ins Amt gewählten Präsidenten Wolodymyr Selenskyj ist der Versuch eines Wandels in der Geschichtspolitik festzustellen, sie hat sich jedoch nicht völlig verändert, da der neue Kulturminister politisch ähnlich denkt wie sein Vorgänger. Dies bedeutet auch, dass die nach Bandera und Schuchewytsch benannten Straßen in Kiew ihren Namen behalten. Die Heroisierung der OUN spielt in der offiziellen Erinnerung eine weniger große Rolle; stattdessen werden Persönlichkeiten in den Vordergrund gerückt, mit denen sich alle Ukrainer unabhängig von ethnischer Zugehörigkeit und politischer Ausrichtung identifizieren können.[32]

Film, Fotografie, Theater[Bearbeiten | Quelltext bearbeiten]

- Die Ermordung Banderas wurde 1966 von Rudolf Jugert als Folge 15 der ZDF-Fernsehserie Die fünfte Kolonne unter dem Titel Mord auf Befehl verfilmt. Die Rolle Banderas wurde mit Max Strassberg besetzt, die von Staschinski mit Josef Fröhlich.

- Der Fotograf Mikhail Palinchak erstellte 2014 für das ukrainische „Reporter Magazin“ ein Foto-Essay „Bandera“.[33]

- Das Berliner Maxim-Gorki-Theater zeigte 2018 in der Reihe „Mythen der Wirklichkeit“ die Rap-Oper „Bandera“ von Marina Frenk und Yuriy Gurzhy.[34]

Literatur[Bearbeiten | Quelltext bearbeiten]

- Ernst Reuß: Mord? Totschlag? Oder Was? Bizarres aus Deutschlands Strafgerichten. erma, Berlin 2017. ISBN 978-1-5480-1429-2.

- David R. Marples: Stepan Bandera: In search of Ukraine for Ukrainians. In: Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady (Hrsg.): In the shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the right in Central and Eastern Europe. I. B. Tauris, London u. a. 2011, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2, S. 227–244.

- Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe: Stepan Bandera. The Life and Afterlife of a Ukrainian Nationalist. Fascism, Genocide, and Cult. ibidem, Stuttgart 2014, ISBN 978-3-8382-0604-2.

- Immer Angst. In: Der Spiegel. Nr. 44, 1959 (online – Bericht über die Ermordung Banderas).

- Andrii Portnov: Mit dem Mythos Bandera stimmt etwas nicht. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 8. Januar 2016. (Portnov ist ukrainischer Historiker, 2015/2016 Gastdozent am Institut für Slawistik der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, ab 2018 Professor für Entangled History of Ukraine an der Viadrina.)

- Lutz Kleveman: Lemberg: Die vergessene Mitte Europas. Aufbau Verlag, Berlin 2017, ISBN 3-351-03668-X.

- Ruslan Wiktorowitsch Tschastij (Руслан Викторовыч Частий): Степан Бандера: мифы, легенды, действительность (= Время и судьбы). Folio, Charkiw 2007, ISBN 966-03-3656-X. 2. Auflage: 2015, ISBN 966-0-35782-6.

Weblinks[Bearbeiten | Quelltext bearbeiten]

Commons: Stepan Bandera – Sammlung von Bildern

- Stepan Bandera: Перспективы украинской революции. (ukrainisch, 48 Vorträge; Audios auf YouTube, deutschen Untertiteln).

- Alexander Gogun: Stepan Bandera – ein Freiheitskämpfer? (pdf; 74 kB) In: gedenkbibliothek.de. 13. Oktober 2009.

- Igor Nabytowitsch (Игорь Набытович): Степан Бандера. Жизнь и деятельность. In: Люди/peoples.ru. 6. Februar 2005 (russisch).

- Volodymyr Yaniv: Bandera, Stepan. In: Encyclopedia of Ukraine. 2004 (englisch).

- Christoph Gunkel: Umstrittener ukrainischer Nationalist Bandera: Tiefe Verehrung, tiefer Hass. In: Spiegel Online. 6. März 2014.

- Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe: Stepan Bandera und die gespaltene Erinnerung an die Gewalt in der Ukraine: Ein Essay. In: Wissenschaftsportal der Gerda-Henkel-Stiftung. 19. Februar 2022.

- Levi Salomon, Isabella Hobe, Hannes Tulatz: Nazikollaborateur als neuer Held der Ukraine. In: jg-berlin.de. 1. April 2010.

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